The British Province of Carmelite Friars
GEORGE
RAYNER - AN ELIZABETHAN CARMELITE
by
Kevin J. Alban, O.Carm.
(first Published in Carmelus - Vol 46 - 1999)
The suppression of the mendicant houses in 1538 by Henry VIII's
commissioners put an end to the official presence of friars in
England and Wales, but also it provided the impetus for a number
of sporadic and isolated missions to the British Isles. In Carmelite
history the most well known ones are those of the Ancient Observance
in the 1680s and 1690s and of the Discalced branch in various
chaplaincies to foreign embassies, as well as rural missions.
(1) Among the Carmelite missionaries
of the Ancient Observance is George Rayner,(2) a priest and a Carmelite who worked
in Yorkshire in the late 16th century and who died in the early
1600s in York Castle. His name was not among the 262 presented
to the Holy See in 1886 for beatification, and he hardly figures
in "official" recusant or Carmelite history. Indeed
in English historical sources he appears a somewhat shadowy figure:
he is never identified as a Carmelite, but simply as an "old
Queen Mary priest". However, there was good reason for Rayner
to keep his identity secret for by doing so he was able to protect
himself and those to whom he ministered.
Of Rayner's early life almost nothing is known except that he
was a student for the diocese of Chester and that he was ordained
acolyte by Cuthbert Tunstall, bishop of Durham, on 5th March 1559
at his manor of Bishop Auckland in County Durham.(3) This was one of the last
ordinations performed by Tunstall before his deprivation and imprisonment
by order of Elizabeth I. Tunstall had been ordained bishop of
London in 1522, had survived the Henrician reformation as bishop
of Durham and after deprivation and imprisonment during the brief
reign of Edward VI (1547-1553), had been restored to his see under
Queen Mary.(4)
When Elizabeth acceded to the throne in 1558 she found it expedient
to leave Tunstall in place so that he might lead negotiations
with the Scots to restore peace with them. Given this rather delicate
foreign situation, Elizabeth moved cautiously on domestic issues
and this included above all a religious settlement to restore
protestantism. Therefore, for the first ten months of her reign
she left the church of the Marian restoration largely in place.(5) It is for this reason that
George Rayner is described as "an old Queen Mary priest":
not that he was ordained in the reign of Mary (she died in fact
a few months before his acolyte ordination) but that he was ordained
by a Catholic bishop using a Marian (that is, Roman) Ordinal.
This put Rayner, and others like him, in a unique position.
For the Roman church and for the Church of England the ordination
of men using the Marian ritual was valid and they could legitimately
officiate at worship, including the celebration of marriages.
The implications of this position are seen in the case of Hugo
Ile, a contemporary of Rayner's.(6)
He officiated at the second marriage (7) of the recusant Thomas Meynell in 1605
which was impugned by a High Commission of the Archbishop of York
in 1607 on the grounds that Ile was a Roman priest.(8) Meynell recorded the event
in his diary, preserving the full judgement of the commission
that Hugo Ile "per reverendum in xpo patrem Cuthbertum nuper
episcopum Dunelmi rite et legitime ordinati" had performed
a valid and legal marriage between Thomas Meynell and Mary Thwaites.
It appears that this was the first marriage performed by a Marian
priest to be "proved" in England. A "Queen Mary
priest" then, could offer not only a Catholic service to
a couple getting married, but a form which would be acceptable
also to English law.(9)
Marian priests were also unique in that as "native clergy"
they were not subject to the penal legislation introduced by Elizabeth
from 1585. The various acts passed were designed to ensure a measure
of uniformity in religious observance and also to protect the
English from the wave of proselytising Jesuits and other "seminary
priests" coming from continental Europe.(10) These priests were subject to harsh
penalties if caught since they were to be tried as traitors, and
they were generally advised to keep a low profile in order to
protect their flocks. Marian priests such as Rayner and Ile, while
they could be fined and imprisoned were not regarded as traitors
and, as will become clear, were conscious of the great advantage
they enjoyed in having been ordained by an English bishop in England.(11)
The details of Rayner's life from 1559 to 1599 are shrouded in
obscurity and few facts can be stated with any certainty. It appears
that he became curate of Cockfield (County Durham) in 1559 and
that he absented himself from the parish during a visitation that
same year, presumably to avoid detection as a Roman priest. By
1563 he had become curate of Haughton-le-Skene (Nottinghamshire).(12) The next reference to Rayner
is in the Pilgrim Book of the Hospice of the Most Holy Trinity
and St. Thomas of Canterbury attached to the English College in
Rome. In 1581 it appears that "Georgius Raneus" arrived
from Rheims and stayed in the hospice from 3rd October for 10
days. Rayner is identified in the entry as from the diocese of
York, but this probably reflects Rayner's actual location for
apostolic purposes, rather than his juridical status.(13)
The questions which naturally arise at this point are what Rayner
was doing between 1563 and 1581 and his putative membership of
the Carmelite order. Of modern historians only Aveling appears
to know of this connection and he is rather circumspect: "he
is said to have gone abroad and become a Carmelite at Mechelen
(Malines)."(14)
From Carmelite
sources there is one reference to Rayner in Norbert of St. Julian's
Notitia brevis virorum plurium celebrium Carmelitarum in Belgio.
The entry is for a "Georgius Reynerud", English and
sometime member of the Mechelen community.(15) The reader is referred to the Supplementum
of the Bibliotheca Carmelitarum which was a pet project
of Norbert's designed to redress the balance in the Belgian entries
in Cosmas Villiers' original. Unfortunately, Norbert never finished
his own edition and one of the "missing" entries happens
to be for Rayner.
There are also external considerations which might shed light
on Rayner's membership of the order in Mechelen. It seems probable
that Rayner left England in the mid 1560s (certainly no earlier
than 1563) and that he returned in the late 1570s or early 1580s:
the Pilgrim Book entry in 1581 refers to the diocese where
he presumably worked. It is in this period that John Baptist Rossi
was actively pursuing a policy of reform as prior general of the
Carmelites.(16)
He was assisted
in this project in the Low Countries by Peter Wolf (or Lupus,
as he is better known) who had entered the Order in Mechelen and
become prior of the house in 1566.(17) He was provincial from 1578 and died
in the town square of Mechelen in 1580 in defence of the city.
During his period as prior and provincial Lupus carried out Rossi's
plan for reform by bringing greater observance to the house and
to the province and at the same time facing up to the challenge
of protestantism openly and courageously. Lupus must have been
an attractive, if sometimes difficult figure, yet it is not impossible
to imagine someone like Rayner entering the order in Mechelen
at the height of Lupus' influence.(18) As Aveling notes, there were always
a few Englishmen who were prepared to join religious orders abroad:
"Down to the 1590s odd English people became Franciscan,
Capuchin, Carmelite or Dominican friars
but they were few
and had to settle in foreign communities." (19)
Similarly, perhaps it is no coincidence that as Rayner found his
way back to England in the 1580s, John Baptist Caffardi (prior
general 1580-1592) on 2nd August 1588 appointed John Chizzola
and Jerome Aleotto "to visit the French provinces
and to obtain information on the Order in England, Ireland, Scotland,
the Low Countries, Germany and Poland."(20) Certainly a return to England by the
Carmelites had been mooted on and off since the suppression of
the friaries in 1538, but nothing had ever come of it. Nicholas
Audet had tried to get the Lower Germans to send friars in 1556,
possibly at the suggestion of Cardinal Reginald Pole, whom he
had got to know at the Council of Trent.(21) The title "provincial of England"
remained available for honorific purposes until the abolition
of titular offices in the early years of the 20th century.(22)
In conclusion, it seems a firm tradition in the Order that George
Rayner was a Carmelite, and a member of the Mechelen community.
There is no documentary evidence against his membership and one
piece of evidence, albeit slight, in favour, that is the entry
in Julian of St. Norbert's register. The circumstantial evidence
of a reformed house and province under Lupus makes it at least
explicable that Rayner should have joined this particular house
and this point in time. Renewed interest in England (along with
other "protestant" countries it must be said) by Caffardi
in 1588 is suggestive when taken with Rayner's possible return
to his native land in the 1580s. However, because of Rayner's
unique status as a Marian priest it was never likely that he was
about to refound the province, and indeed, there was every good
reason to keep quiet about his experience on the Continent when
he got back to England.
If the entry in the Pilgrim Book for 1581 is only suggestive
of Rayner's return to England, then by 1588 it is certain that
he was back in Yorkshire, for in that year he officiated at the
first marriage of Thomas Meynell with Wenefred Pudsey. Meynell
records the event thus:
Notwithstandinge the Tempestuous stormes of the tyme, yet I humblie thanke Almightie God, and owr blessed Ladye, I was maried to Wenefrede at Barforthe by Sr George Raine a vertuous Catholicke preist: who died happelie afterwars (sic) in Yorkcastle. (23)
Again from 1588 to
1599 there are few facts that can be stated with any certainty
about Rayner's ministry. A further trip to Rome is recorded in
the hospice Pilgrim Book from 10th to 19th April 1591 and
it is possible that Rayner had some specific link with the English
College.(24)
New students at
the college had to fill in a questionnaire regarding their family
background and religious education. Their replies are preserved
in the Liber Responsa and two pupils, Seth Forster and
Thomas Oglethorpe, record that they were reconciled to the faith
and instructed in Catholicism by one "George Keynes".(25) In a later manuscript which
records the imprisonment of Rayner in York Castle this same spelling
occurs where it is quite clear that Rayner's name is intended.(26) It seems possible therefore
that the two young students from York in the English College in
the 1600s had been educated in the faith by Rayner. Forster was
born in 1590 and Oglethorpe in 1594 so it is not impossible that
Rayner instructed them, even though they would have been very
young at the time. The latter entry, which is dated 1613, describes
"Keynes" "piae memoriae" indicating that he
was already dead. This may be the reason that some later historians
have assigned 1613 as the date of Rayner's death, although no
other writer has noticed the possible connection between Rayner
and Keynes up to now.
While no account of Rayner's ministry to the people of Yorkshire
survives, other contemporary sources allow a certain reconstruction
of the work of a chaplain to an English catholic household in
the recusant period. Father John Sharpe (1576-1630, alias
Father Pollard) was a secular priest in Yorkshire and subsequently
a Jesuit who left an account of daily life in a recusant house
in about 1610.(27) Generally there were two
priests, one to work in the house itself and one "on call";
on Sundays and holy days there would be Mass, a sermon and spiritual
instruction. Even on ferial days, there would be Mass at 6 am
for the servants and men and another at 8 am for the women. Vespers
and matins were said at 4 pm and while the priests recited the
office, the others prayed private devotions. Night prayers consisting
of various litanies followed supper at 9 pm. All members of the
household engaged in daily meditation and mental prayer and all
the lay members were encouraged to go to confession and communion
at least every two weeks.
Although Rayner enjoyed some freedom of movement as a Marian priest,
the religious environment in which he worked was becoming more
and more restrictive. In 1593 he was captured in Nottingham and
taken to Hull where he was incarcerated in South Blockstone jail.(28) In the 1590s the government
of the north of England was vested in the Council of the North
headed at that time by the archbishop of York, Matthew Hutton.(29) It seems that the council
was considered somewhat lax in the matter of enforcing the Elizabethan
religious settlement and was "encouraged" by London
to adopt a more uncompromising stance regarding recusants.(30) The archbishop was relieved
of his office and Lord Burgleigh appointed as President of the
Council.(31) Part of this tightening up
is seen in the imprisonment of George Rayner, a seminary priest
Christopher Wharton and 51 other Catholics in York Castle from
late 1599 to mid 1600. During this period the prisoners were forced
to listen to some 50 sermons preached by various Anglican divines,
including the archbishop of York. Accounts of these sermons and
a description of the prisoners' behaviour were compiled by Fr.
William Richmond (Richmont) whose manuscript is still extant in
the British Library.(32) Subsequently Fr. John Knaresborough
incorporated part of Richmond's work into his own book, Sufferings
of the Catholicks in the early 18th century. Bishop Challoner
then transcribed Knaresborough's account as part of the appendices
to his own Memoirs of Missionary Priests and used some
of the details of the York imprisonment in his description of
the more famous Christopher Wharton.(33)
It seems, by all accounts, that despite his age (perhaps he was
60 years old by now) Rayner was more than a match for his captors
and had to be quietened down on more than one occasion.
After they were set upon the bench, [i.e. the Lord President and Council of the North] sir George Rains, (an old priest there amongst them) rose up, and went towards my lord, and all the company followed after him, and they all made suit to his lordship, to give them leave to depart, for that it was against their consciences to hear their sermons; (34)
The prisoners were hauled down, and placed within the rails, and the bishop in a chair over against them, at the other end. And after the lord president was come in, the two old priests, Sir George Rains and Sir Christopher Wharton, stood both up together, and proffered to speak. This bishop stayed them, and said that they should have time to speak, but they should hear first; (35)
One modern commentator
notes: "There were only two priests in the prison at the
time, one of whom was an old Queen Mary priest, although he was
more effective than his seminarist colleague."(36) Wharton, the "seminarist",
came from Middleton in Yorkshire and was a Master of Arts and
sometime Fellow of Trinity College, Oxford. He trained for the
priesthood in Rheims and was ordained on 31st March 1584 by Cardinal
de Guise, the local archbishop. He arrived in England in 1586
and was imprisoned with Rayner in 1599. He was brought to trial
at the Lent Assizes of 1600 and indicted for being a seminary
priest and for returning to England contrary to the provisions
of the 1585 Act against seminary priests and Jesuits. By way of
defence, Wharton claimed that he had been ordained before 1559
and therefore was not subject to the 1585 Act. This was patently
untrue and Wharton had the misfortune to find himself before a
judge with whom he had studied at Oxford and who could guarantee
that Wharton had not been a priest at that time.(37) However, there seems to be a clear
influence from Rayner here: the defence that Wharton attempted
is precisely the circumstances that applied to Rayner. Wharton
appealed to the unique status of the Marian priests, preferring
to ignore his training on the continent. Rayner, with truth on
his side it must be said, could claim exactly this status and
this explains why there are apparently no references to his membership
of the Carmelites in the British records. Even though Rayner had
been ordained in England and was therefore not a seminary priest,
the fact that he had entered the Carmelites would certainly have
muddied the waters for him, had it become known. Rayner simply
could not afford to run the risk of indictment, imprisonment and
execution - not only for his sake, but also for the sake of those
to whom he ministered and who would have been severely punished
for harbouring a traitor.(38)
Wharton was found guilty of treason and executed on 28th March
1600. He subsequently numbered among the 262 men and women who
were presented to Rome for the process of beatification by the
English hierarchy in 1886. He was finally beatified by Pope John
Paul II in 1987 as part of the group known as the "Eighty
Five Martyrs of England and Wales." (39)
Of Rayner's fate the only contemporary source to speak of it is
Meynell's diary which refers to his death in York Castle: "Sr
George Raine a vertuous Catholicke preist: who died happelie afterwars
(sic) in Yorkcastle."(40) Given the conditions at the time this
is not at all surprising.(41)
It is impossible to speak in terms of too strong reprobation of the state of the northern prisons in the seventeenth century Some of them had no light and no ventilation; several were partly under water whenever there was a flood. The number of prisoners who died in gaol during this century is positively startling. (42)
Benedict Zimmerman
OCD in an article in 1892 seems to know of a story of martyrdom,
but notes that Rayner's name was not included in the list submitted
to the Holy See in 1886.(43)
There seems to be no trace of Rayner's martyrdom in any of the
contemporary sources and certainly no reason to suppose that he
died in 1613. Challoner records no deaths for the faith in 1613
and is silent on Rayner's faith. On the other hand, Zimmerman
has no doubt that Rayner belonged to the Ancient Observance of
the Order, despite the silence of English primary sources. Subsequent
historians have tended to repeat Zimmerman's views without adding
much in the way of new information.(44) Rayner is certainly known to recusant
historians such as Aveling, McGrath and Rowe, but only the former
seems to know of a Carmelite connection.
Rayner lived in turbulent times and enjoyed the status of a Marian
priest which allowed him a certain latitude in his ministry. There
seems to be good reason for accepting his membership of the Order:
he would have entered Mechelen at the height of reform there under
Lupus. However, he preferred not to make mention of this fact
in order not to compromise his position as a "Queen Mary
priest". Yet his status did not protect him in the long run
from imprisonment and after a long life of ministry he died "happily"
in York Castle probably in 1600 or shortly thereafter.
Kevin J. Alban O.Carm.
The Friars,
Aylesford,
England
1. See J. Smet, The Carmelites: A History of the Brothers of
Our Lady of Mount Carmel, 4 vols in 5 parts (Darien, 1975-1985),
for the history of various attempted missions to England see vol.
III, pp. 278-288. For an account of the mission under James II
see W. McGreal, "Carmelites in London, a Penal Times Mission"
Aylesford Review 7(1965)66-74 and for the Discalced missions
see B. Zimmerman, Carmel in England: A History of the English
Mission of the Discalced Carmelites, 1615-1849, (Oxford, 1899).
2. Variously spelt Reyner, Raines, Raine, Raynes, Reynes, Reines,
and Rein.
3. Cf. G. Hardie (ed.), The Registers of Cuthbert Tunstall,
Bishop of Durham, 1530-1559 and James Pilkington, Bishop
of Durham, 1561-1576, (London, 1952)
4. Cf. C. Sturge, Cuthbert Tunstall, Churchman, Scholar, Statesman,
Administrator, (London, 1938) and Ann Foster, "Bishop
Tunstall's Priests" Recusant History 9(1967-68)175-204.
5. In May 1559 Parliament passed two statutes: one to abolish
papal supremacy and restore the Queen as supreme governor of the
Church; a second to replace the Latin Mass with a service similar
to Edward VI's Second Prayer Book. Cf. G. Prothero (ed.), Select
Statutes and other Constitutional Documents illustrative of the
Reigns of Elizabeth and James I (Oxford, 19063) pp. 1-20 and
for a discussion of the significance of these and other statutes
see G. Elton, The Tudor Constitution: Documents and Commentary,
(Cambridge, 1972), pp. 410-413
6. Ile was ordained priest at the same ceremony that Rayner was
ordained acolyte. Ile was arrested in 1609, he appears in a recusant
list again in 1611 and died in Hulton, according to Thomas Meynell.
Cf. J. C. H. Aveling, Northern Catholics: The Catholic Recusants
of the North Riding of Yorkshire, 1558-1790, (London, 1966),
p. 43.
7. Rayner himself had performed Meynell's first marriage in 1588
(see below).
8. Cf. J. C. H. Aveling (ed.), "The Recusancy Papers of the
Meynell Family", Catholic Record Society Miscellanea,
(London, 1964) pp. 20-23.
9. Cf. J. C. H. Aveling, "The Marriages of Catholic Recusants
1559-1642" Journal of Ecclesiastical History 14(1963)68-83
who notes that the situation was complicated further by some "Marian"
priests who had been accepted into the Church of England without
re-ordination. Although Meynell's case was not heard until 1607,
recusants were fully aware of the legal loophole of which they
were taking advantage. Aveling notes that as late as 1612 there
may have been as many as 150 priests from Mary's reign working
in Yorkshire.
10. An Act against Jesuits and Seminary Priests (27 Eliz. I c.
2 1585) which brought the penalties of high treason against those
ordained according to Catholic rites abroad and then who came
to England. Cf. Prothero, Select Statutes, pp. 83-86.
11. Cf. G. Anstruther (ed.), The Seminary Priests: A Dictionary
of the Secular Clergy of England and Wales, 1558-1850, 4 vols,
(Durham, 1968), vol. I, p. ix, who sums up the situation thus:
"Seminary priests [is] first used in Act 27 Eliz. I c. 2
(1585) to distinguish a new generation of priests from the 'old
priests' or 'massing priests' who survived from the reigns of
Mary and Henry VIII. The latter could be fined and imprisoned
for recusancy and even hanged for being 'reconciled' (sc. to the
Church of Rome) but they were not affected by this particular
act which stamped the seminary priests as traitors."
12. Cf. Foster, "Bishop Tunstall's Priests", p. 193
for details of Rayner.
13. Cf. The Pilgrim Book of the English Hospital of the Most
Holy Trinity and St. Thomas of Canterbury, Rome, quoted in
H. Foley, Records of the English Province of the Society of
Jesus, (London, 1878) vol. VI, p. 551.
14. Aveling, Northern Catholics, pp. 44-45
15. Cf. Brussels Royal Library Ms 16490, fo. 49. I am grateful
to Fr. Richard Copsey O. Carm. for this reference.
16. Cf. Smet, vol II, pp. 132-162 for details of Rossi's reforming
activities.
17. Cf. Smet, vol. II, pp. 150-152 for an account of Lupus' impact
in the Low Countries.
18. Unfortunately no records of the Mechelen house survive for
this period. Cf. C. van de Wiel, "Materials on the Carmelites
in the Archiepiscopal Archive of Mechelen (1303-1963)" Carmelus
32 (1985)193-277.
19. J. C. H. Aveling, The Handle and the Axe: The Catholic
Recusants in England from the Reformation to Emancipation,
(London, 1976), p. 76
20. Cf. Smet, vol. II, p. 167 quoting E. Monsignano and J. Ximenez,
(eds) Bullarium Carmelitarum, 4 vols, (Rome 1715-1768),vol.
II, pp. 254-255
21. Cf. Smet, vol. I, p. 248ff for the contacts between Cardinal
Pole and Nicholas Audet at the Council of Trent.
22. Cf. Boaga, Emanuele "La struttura delle province nell'Ordine
dei Carmelitani e la vicenda dell'Ordo provinciarum" Carmelus
40(1993)90-129
23. Aveling, "Meynell Family", p. 20
24. Cf. Pilgrim Book in Foley, Records, vol. VI,
p. 564
25. Cf. A. Kenny (ed.), The Responsa Scholarum of the English
College Rome, part one 1598-1621, (London, 1962), p. 220,
entry n. 476 and p. 262, entry n. 514.
26. Cf. Hull University Library, the Maxwell Constable Collection,
Knaresborough Ms, (DDEV/67/1-4) Perhaps Keynes was an alias for
Rayner or perhaps this is just a poor transcription. In the earlier
Richmond Ms the name is quite clearly "Rainer". The
Knaresborough Ms list of prisoners is transcribed in Clare Talbot
(ed.), Catholic Record Society Miscellanea: Recusant Records,
(London, 1961), pp. 276-277
27. Sharpe's account is preserved as "Father Pollard's Recollections
of the Yorkshire Mission" in J. Morris (ed.), The Troubles
of Our Catholic Forefathers related by themselves, (London,
1877), pp. 443-470
28. Cf. Fr. Christopher Greene's Ms, vol. F, held in the English
College, Rome and quoted in Foley, Records vol. III, p.
763.
29. The best account of the Council's activities is still R. Reid,
The King's Council in the North, (London, 1921), especially
pp. 230ff for the period in question here.
30. It seems that the number of recusants was actually growing
in Yorkshire. Cf. A. G. Dickens, "The First Stages of Romanist
Recusancy in Yorkshire, 1560-1590" Yorkshire Archaeological
Journal 35(1941)157-182 and "The Extent and Character
of Recusancy in Yorkshire, 1604" YAJ 37(1948)24-48
who estimates that in 1604 there may have been between 3,000 and
3,500 recusants in Yorkshire. Note that in 1593 the government
had passed an Act against "Popish Recusants" (35 Eliz.
I c. 2) which confined those convicted of recusancy to a five-mile
limit around their normal place of dwelling. Cf. Prothero, Select
Statutes, pp. 92-93.
31. Cf. Calendar of Manuscripts of the Most Hon. The Marquis
of Salisbury K.G., part IX (London, 1902), p. 317, letter
dated 22nd August 1599, the Queen to the archbishop of York. The
letter refers to recusancy as "such iniquity which hath
possessed the greatest of those Northern parts
" Clearly
London was rattled by reports of Catholicism running rife in the
north despite harsh penal laws.
32. BL Ms Add. 34520, fos 1-71. Richmond was trained in Rheims
and ordained priest on 4th March 1581, he was sent to England
a month later and seems to have been in York when Wharton, Rayner
and the other Catholics were imprisoned. Cf. Anstruther, The
Seminary Priests, vol. I, p. 377
33. Cf. R. Challoner, Memoirs of Missionary Priests and other
Catholics of both sexes who suffered death in England on religious
accounts from the year 1577 to 1648, (London, 1741; 1844 edition
used here)
34. Challoner, Memoirs, vol. I, p. 222: "The Prisoners'
Behaviour and Speeches at the Second Sermon", 16th December,
1599.
35. Challoner, Memoirs, vol. I, p. 225: "The Sixth
Sermon, made by the Archbishop himself, the 13th of January [1600]"
36. P. Holmes, Resistance and Compromise: The Political Thought
of Elizabethan Catholics, (Cambridge, 1982), pp. 183-184
37. Cf. Challoner, Memoirs, vol. I, pp. 187-188
38. Cf. P. McGarth and J. Rowe, "The Elizabethan Priests:
Their Harbourers and Helpers" Recusant History 19(1988-89)209-233.
The act of 1585 made harbouring a seminary priest a crime (Margaret
Clitherow was executed for this). Eleanor Hunt was charged with
harbouring Christopher Wharton but not executed, simply left to
die in York Castle jail.
39. For the details of the two beatifications in 1970 and 1987
cf. P. Molinari, "The Forty Martyrs of England and Wales"
Clergy Review (1970)759-770 and R. Connelly, The Eighty-Five
Martyrs, (London, 1987) especially pp. 10ff.
40. Aveling, "Meynell Family", p. 20
41. Cf. P. McGrath and J. Rowe, "The Imprisonment of Catholics
for Religion under Elizabeth I" Recusant History 20(1991)415-435
who note that some 130 Marian priests were imprisoned in Elizabeth's
reign, 30 of whom were priests and 19 of these died in York or
Hull.
42. J. Raine, Depositions from the Castle of York relating
to offences committed in the northern counties in the seventeenth
century, (Durham, 1861), pp. xxxi-xxxv
43. Cf. B. Zimmerman, "Geschicte der Mission in England 1614
bis 1701", p. 2 of an offprint of Stimmen von Berge Karmel,
2 (1892-93). The details given here were repeated in Zimmerman's
full length study, Carmel in England, p. 19 where he is
quite categorical that Rayner belonged to the Ancient Observance:
"As this religious belonged to the Calced Carmelites, not
the Discalced, his history does not come within the scope of this
work."
44. Thus P. R. McCaffrey, The White Friars; an Outline Carmelite
History with special reference to the English-speaking provinces,
(Dublin, 1926), p. 337; L. C. Sheppard, The English Carmelites,
(London, 1943), p. 63; Smet, vol. III, p. 279 and A. Bellenger,
English and Welsh Priests - a Working List, (Bath, 1984),
p. 12.
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